This briefing provides an overview of the ongoing protests in Serbia, examines the historical context, emphasises the importance of spreading awareness on this topic, and looks at the EU's response. This piece was written by Teodora Stefanovic.
Introduction
The biggest student-led protests since the 1960s are taking place all over Serbia against corruption. The existing anger and dissatisfaction resulted in action after the tragic collapse of the canopy on the newly renovated railway station in Novi Sad. On November 1 2024, 15 people died due to this accident. This disaster served as a tragic illustration of how corruption in Serbia has tangible, deadly consequences. Public outrage over the incident ignited the largest wave of protests the country has seen in decades. These events are the culmination of corruption that has persisted since 2012, reaching its peak today as this is the first time severe casualties have resulted from the corrupt actions of the ruling Serbian Progressive Party (SNS).
Serbia has long grappled with systemic corruption, which has infiltrated all sectors from infrastructure development through judiciary and public administration. According to Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index , Serbia’s score has been downgraded by year, reaching its all-time low in 2024 (CPI 35/100). Allegations of nepotism, bribery, and the misuse of public funds have plagued successive administrations, and efforts to combat corruption have often been perceived as superficial. The rule of Aleksandar Vucic has been characterised by partisan clientelism: he appointed the most incompetent people for the positions that require the utmost responsibility and expertise. A prime example is Bratislav Gašić: despite being a tile setter before his career in politics he was assigned throughout the years as Minister of Defence, head of the Security Intelligence Agency (BIA), and eventually as Minister of Internal Affairs. The same pattern is evident at lower levels of government where under-qualified individuals with strong party loyalty are shuffled between ministries, state-owned enterprises, and regulatory agencies.
A History of Scandals and Cover-Ups
The corruption that fuelled the current protests did not emerge overnight. Over the past decade, a series of high-profile scandals have demonstrated the extent to which public safety has been compromised for the sake of political and financial gain. The Helicopter Affair refers to the 2015 crash of a Serbian military Mi-17 helicopter which was transporting a sick baby from Novi Pazar during poor weather conditions; it was pressured to land in Belgrade for a photo op to gain political points. After the crash killed all seven on board, no government officials took responsibility, instead falsely blaming the pilot for being drunk. However, evidence pointed to political interference and poor decision-making as key factors in the tragedy. During the 2019 Krušik Affair, a whistleblower exposed the government’s role in selling weapons to international conflict zones at inflated prices, benefiting top SNS officials. Instead of prosecuting those involved, the government targeted the whistleblower—Aleksandar Obradović—with legal threats. In both cases, no individuals at the top faced any legal consequences. Each of these cases contributed to the erosion of public trust in government institutions, setting the stage for the current protests. The railway station tragedy was simply the final catalyst that transformed long-standing frustration into mass mobilisation.
Overview of the Protests
The protests began with peaceful tributes to the victims, as citizens across the country observed a 15 minute silence to honor those who lost their lives. However, during this commemoration, students from the Faculty of Dramatic Arts at the University of Belgrade were attacked by an organised group, while others participating in peaceful marches were unjustly detained by the Serbian police. In response to these events, students across the country have initiated blockades of their faculties and universities, turning educational institutions into centers of resistance and solidarity.
Within days, the demonstrations spread from Belgrade to Niš, and across the country. The movement quickly gained traction, with demonstrators calling for broader systemic reforms beyond the immediate accountability for the tragedy. “There is blood on your hands” became a slogan of the protests, and the red hand a symbol of the movement.
Students posed several demands to the judiciary:
Publication of all documentation regarding the reconstruction of the Novi Sad railway station;
Confirmation of the identity of individuals suspected of physically attacking students and professors, and the initiation of criminal proceedings against them;
Rejection of criminal charges against arrested and detained students during the protests, as well as the suspension of ongoing criminal proceedings;
A higher education budget, to be increased by 20%.
Every day at 11:52 everything stops. Citizens gather all over Serbia to pay their respect to victims by standing in the street in silence for 15 minutes. The action takes place at the exact same time when the canopy collapsed. In less than a month all universities in Serbia joined the blockade with huge support from faculty members. In addition to the university blockades, a large number of Serbian citizens have joined blocking various institutions, such as high schools, the agricultural sector, cultural institutions, legal professionals and many others. Unlike previous opposition-led demonstrations, these protests were distinctly grassroots and leaderless. Protesters deliberately distanced themselves from political parties, wary of co-optation by the fragmented Serbian opposition. The movement also adopted strategic methods to sustain momentum: peaceful marches, university sit-ins, boycotts, road blockades, and digital activism.
Record-Breaking Protest Numbers
One of the defining moments of the protests occurred on December 22 2024 when more than 100,000 people gathered in Belgrade’s Slavija Square. This marked the largest demonstration in Serbia since the overthrow of Slobodan Milošević in 2000. Given that Belgrade’s population is approximately 1.6 million, this means nearly 7% of the city’s residents took to the streets in a single day.
Protests also gained traction in smaller towns, with 300 cities and towns participating in the movement. The 24 hour blockade occurred on January 27, when the major intersection in Belgrade was blocked and hundreds of thousands of people gathered on the streets throughout the day. On 30 January, a large group of students started a two-day march from Belgrade to the city of Novi Sad (80 km) to join protesters and show support. This gesture was symbolic of the 1996/97 protests when students from Novi Sad marched to Belgrade to support demonstrations against Milošević’s rule. Tens of thousands of citizens from all over Serbia joined students in the blockade of three bridges in Novi Sad that happened on 1 February. Due to their peaceful efforts and unity, Serbian students have been nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize. The final number of protestors is still uncertain, but is believed to be at least 50,000 people. Initially, it was just students—and since— teachers, professors, farmers, lawyers, bikers, and pensioners have joined: groups that never stood together are now side by side, demanding justice.
Despite the peaceful nature of the protests, the government’s response has been marked by repression, intimidation, and a well-orchestrated propaganda campaign. President Aleksandar Vučić initially dismissed the protests as a "foreign-instigated attempt to destabilise Serbia," echoing past rhetoric used to delegitimise dissent. He accused student leaders of being "manipulated by Western interests" and framed the movement as an attack on national stability rather than a demand for accountability, branding opposition as an external threat to divert attention from protesters’ grievances. A key instrument of Vučić's control over the narrative is Serbia’s state broadcaster, Radio Television of Serbia (RTS). RTS has been accused of ignoring or distorting the protests, portraying them as violent rather than massive, peaceful demonstrations. RTS gave disproportionate airtime to officials undermining the movement, while protesters struggled to be heard. The government also targeted those in the education sector who supported the protests. Teachers and university professors in support faced threats, with school principals warning teachers of termination if they encouraged participation. This galvanised even more educators despite the risks.
To manufacture public support, SNS organised counter-protests, bringing in public sector employees and allegedly coercing them. Leaked messages revealed state employees were threatened with pay cuts or job losses if they refused.
A major scandal further damaged the government when key documents on the railway station collapse were revealed missing or altered. Whistleblowers reported safety reports had been removed, preventing a full investigation. This cover-up fueled public anger, as it showed the government’s willingness to protect those responsible. Zagorka Dolovac, Serbia’s Supreme Public Prosecutor, became a focal point of criticism with protesters demanding her to do her job since she failed to prosecute high-profile corruption cases so far. Under her leadership, multiple scandals were dismissed or delayed indefinitely. Her inaction on the railway tragedy reinforced perceptions of Serbia’s compromised judiciary.
As the protests have intensified, the government has faced internal fractures. In late January 2025, Prime Minister Miloš Vučević unexpectedly resigned. However, many analysts viewed this as a desperate attempt by Vučić to deflect blame whilst maintaining his grip on power. Vučević’s resignation did little to appease protesters who saw it as a superficial sacrifice rather than a genuine attempt to address their demands. In an attempt to lower tensions, the government initiated the fight against corruption. However, this has been perceived as a farce since those arrested and targeted are lower officials, and not the most powerful politicians at the top.
Serbia and the EU
The response from the European Union (EU) to the political turmoil and protests in Serbia has been notably muted, despite the increasingly authoritarian nature of President Aleksandar Vučić's government. Over the past few years, Serbia has experienced severe democratic backsliding, with rising concerns around corruption, media suppression, and political manipulation. However, EU leaders have largely refrained from issuing direct or forceful criticisms of Vučić’s government. Instead, their responses have been relatively passive, with occasional comments expressing concern but no unified condemnation from Brussels.
Many activists and opposition figures have accused the EU of prioritising stability in the Balkans over democratic values, particularly given Serbia's strategic importance in the region. Serbia's role in managing migration flows and its cooperation on various economic and political agreements has made the EU hesitant to confront Vučić more aggressively. Media outlets like The Financial Times and The New York Times have observed this cautious approach, with reports noting that while certain EU officials have privately expressed concerns about the erosion of democratic norms in Serbia, they are careful not to antagonise Vučić, fearing that it could destabilise the region or harm EU-Serbia relations. This approach has been interpreted by many of the protesters as an endorsement of Vučić's increasingly authoritarian policies. The lack of any strong diplomatic push from the EU has further fuelled frustration and disillusionment amongst the Serbian public, who see it as a failure of the EU to uphold its democratic principles.
Conclusion
What started as 15 minutes of silence turned into Serbia’s largest protest movement in history. These protests have become emblematic of wider discontent with governance, highlighting issues of civil rights, democratic freedoms, and environmental concerns. They have already had a profound impact on Serbian society: exposing deep-rooted corruption within the government, demonstrating the power of student activism, and challenging the pervasive media control that has shaped public discourse for over a decade. Whether these protests will lead to lasting change or another cycle of repression remains to be seen, but one thing is clear: the people of Serbia are no longer willing to remain silent in the face of injustice.
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